Some facts about the recession The Public Sector Far from what the government would have us believe the Irish Public Sector is not bloated. The 2008 OECD Review of public services showed that spending on public services in Ireland in 2005 was third lowest of 25 OECD countries. CSO data show s that current public spending dropped from 33.6% of GDP in 1996 to 28.5% in 2005. According to CSO between December 08 and June 09 public sector numbers have fallen by 3,000. Recent EU data shows that spending on social protection in Ireland was 18.2% of GDP in 2006 compared to an EU average of 27%. Welfare rates are the fifth lowest in the EU. Pay Income Tax Year 2007 Public Sector Employees All Employees In addition, the number of all PAYE workers earning less than the average industrial wage of €32,730 in 2007 was 1,267,865, of which 201,727 were public sector employees. We can see from this that: Some facts about the recession The Public Sector Far from what the government would have us believe the Irish Public Sector is not bloated. The 2008 OECD Review of public services showed that spending on public services in Ireland in 2005 was third lowest of 25 OECD countries. CSO data show s that current public spending dropped from 33.6% of GDP in 1996 to 28.5% in 2005. According to CSO between December 08 and June 09 public sector numbers have fallen by 3,000. Recent EU data shows that spending on social protection in Ireland was 18.2% of GDP in 2006 compared to an EU average of 27%. Welfare rates are the fifth lowest in the EU. Pay Income Tax Year 2007 Public Sector Employees All Employees In addition, the number of all PAYE workers earning less than the average industrial wage of €32,730 in 2007 was 1,267,865, of which 201,727 were public sector employees. We can see from this that:
High Earners Tax and High Earners (2008) (see Vincent Browne Irish Times 18 March 2009) The top 6% with over 100,000 get 28% of total income, an average of 190,699 each: That’s 13 times the average for the bottom 50% of earners In a later article in the Irish Times (Com Keena 20/3/2009) it emerged that the Revenue figures on which Brownes analysis was based were based on taxable units (in many cases couples) rather than individual taxpayers. The data for individuals shows that far from the top earners with over 100,000 paying half of all tax they only pay 31.4%. Further Those between 30 and 100,000 pay 57% of income tax ICTU say in their 10 Point Plan For A Better Fairer Way 183,000 extra people signed on in the last year (+76%). Over 423,000 signed on in September In the 1980s it peaked at 226,000 and took four years to rise from 6% (1979) to 14% (1984). Cutting Your Way Out of the Boom: Borrowing and Debt First, we have had three budgets since October 08 and after each the deficit has got worse. In July 08 the deficit was 6.7b, in July 09 it was 16.4b and in Oct it was 20b. It is estimated to be 22b by December. Remember that the deficit will include 4b paid to Anglo Irish Bank and 3b to recapitalise AIB and Bank of Ireland. (These are the sums that are coming out of current revenue. Further payments totalling 4b are being made for the National Pension Reserve Fund) Secondly, in April the ESRI looked at some proposals that would save the government €1b . One of them was a reduction of 17,000 jobs in health and education. This happens to be the same number proposed by the Mc Carthy Report. The ESRI analysis showed that this proposal would lead to: The ESRI looked at a range of proposals (not proposals we would make) such as pay cuts, a property tax, a carbon tax and come to the conclusion that “cuts in public sector employment have the biggest negative impact on GDP and GNP both in the short-term and the long-term”. UNITE have argued that there is a lot of scaremongering about the level of debt. EU projections produced in Spring 2009 show that overall debt as a percentage of GDP will be 79.4% in the EU (84% in the Euro zone) and 73% in Ireland. We could barrow 12b over the above the governments projections and still be below the Eurozone average. The table below from the ICTU document Congress 10 Point Plan For A Better Fairer Way published November 2, 2009 shows projected level of debt in 2010 in the EU. Some arguments This is evidenced in three main ways. The neo-liberal mindset is best summarised by the deep hostility which its chairperson, Colm McCarthy, displayed to pay bargaining with public sector unions. He stated that there is, ‘something redolent of Soviet-era central planning about Irish procedures for determining public pay … Bolshevik-style central bodies determine the minutiae of pay and conditions for 350,000 employees nationwide. ’ The neo-liberal mindset is also evident in Bord Snip’s description of its ‘first principles’. These principles include ‘why public service provision might be warranted, rather than allowing the private sector to provide the service’. In other words, even though there is a catastrophic economic crisis as a result of the failure of private capitalism, justifications have to be advanced for continuing public sector provision. 2. Terms of Reference: 3. No independent Research: THE PROPOSALS: Education:
HEALTH:
SOCIAL WELFARE Cutting social welfare payments by 5 percent. One of the main reasons advanced is a ‘race to the bottom’ argument. Wages have already been cut by an average of 4 percent and further cuts are expected – so there must be no ‘disincentive’ to work for poverty wages.
OTHER At the core of this programme, is a strategy to ‘shrink the state’ through reducing services, selling off state land and outsourcing work to take advantage of non-union cheap labour. In almost every other part of the world, neo-liberalism has been discredited as economic philosophy which has helped create the greatest economic crisis since the 1930s. In Ireland, however, the political elite are becoming even more virulent in their adherence to these Thatcherite dogmas. They have been emboldened by the failure of the union leaders to mount an adequate resistance. But this has also led them to go too far, and a cry is emerging from the grassroots of Irish society to proclaim: ‘enough is enough’. STRATEGIES AND RESPONSES The Bord Snip report is designed to allow for a continuation of this strategy in a more limited form. The report recommends over €5 billion in cuts which represents the longer term wish-list of the elite. But the report also functions as a menu which gives them some scope to negotiate with and co-opt potential opponents. By promoting this flexibility, leaders of unions and civil society groups can be invited in ‘to the inside track’ to discuss which part of the cuts agenda can be implemented. Divisions can also be fostered between them. The overall paradigm is therefore set – and all who accept an invitation to join the inside track must respond within the terms of the neo-liberal framework. Evidence of these mechanisms is already clear in the response of the Labour Party and the union leaders. The Labour leader, Eamon Gilmore has opposed reductions in social welfare but has supported the reduction of 17,000 public sector workers and ‘maybe even more’. IMPACT leader Peter McLoone, has agreed on the need to transform the public sector to get ‘more for less’ but argues that this needs to be achieved by partnership rather than confrontation. What is missing here is a wider rejection of the whole philosophy of attacking the public sector during this grave economic crisis. Yet there is every sign that Bord Snip will only add to the failed capitalist economics that is bringing Ireland to the verge of disaster. AN ALTERNATIVE TO FAILED ECONOMICS Yet the shocking irony is that government expenditure is still set to rise in 2009. As Bord Snip acknowledges, ‘Upwards pressure on spending, including the rising cost of social transfers due to the increase in unemployment and rising debt service burden, have more than offset the expenditure economies already announced’. Some translation may be helpful here: Because the last round of cuts have been so deep, Ireland has entered a deflationary spiral which has thrown more people out of work and so more is spent on social welfare payments. In addition, the bail out of the banks is adding to Ireland national debt and higher interest rates are being extracted by the global rich. In other words, the economic agenda of cutting wages, slashing social spending and bailing out the banks is a failure because it only deepens the recession. What is now required is a complete break form these policies by developing popular support for a series of anti-capitalist economic measures which can alleviate social suffering. The Alternative to Bord Snip must therefore start from the fact that private capitalism has failed and is unlikely to create significant numbers of jobs in the future. Instead of cuts we need a decisive extension of the public sector to protect the living standards of the majority. Such measures might include: AN ALTERNATIVE ECONOMIC AGENDA Even within the general crisis, Ireland is faring much worse than elsewhere. In the recent past right-wing politicians told people that they should cut taxes on the rich, let wealth trickle down, and trust in ‘market forces’. As a result of this dogma, the fruits of the Celtic Tiger boom were squandered. Instead of investing in schools, hospitals, social care services and other basic infrastructure, the state looked after their rich friends. A tight alliance of FF politicians, bankers and builders hyped up the property market driving large numbers of people into massive mortgages and high levels of debt. They turned Ireland into a tax haven for the multi-nationals and a place where you could do business with the lightest of ‘light regulation’. Now the whole edifice has come crashing down. But instead of taking any blame for the chaos, the same wealthy elite want to offload the costs of the recession onto ordinary working people. It is seeking to increase Irish ‘competitiveness’ at the expense of working people and so benefit from the reflationary policies being developed by other countries. While the US and some EU countries are promoting major stimulus packages to revive their economy, the Irish government is focussing on wage cuts, pension levies and social spending cuts as a major mechanism for recovery. This will further depress economic activity. THE RESOURCES ARE THERE The financial website Finfacts Ireland reported in October 2008 that “Irish investment of €13.9 billion was put into European property deals last year [2007]. In contrast, the Irish business sector does not even get a total of €200 million in venture capital investment” (www.finfacts.com). This capital was (i) exported and (ii) put into idle property. The conscription of this capital to sustain the public finances would not suppress economic demand because this capital was never used for productive economic activity in the first place. And not all of this wealth has gone in the shares and property crash. In a series of Irish Times articles Fintan O’Toole has highlighted the available wealth that could be tapped to pay for the crisis and for the good of society: “Irish individuals made €41 billion in capital gains from investments in land, property and equities in the three years between 2004 and 2007. The same amount, €41 billion, was invested by Irish people in commercial property at home and abroad between 2001 and 2006. In 2006 Irish people invested €8 billion in overseas property. Even with the slowdown Irish investors put €1.5 billion into overseas property in the first quarter of 2008. “There is a nice pyramid of money, with 330 individuals worth in excess of €30 million, a further 3,000 with a net worth of between €5 million and €30 million, and 30,000 worth between €1 million and €5 million – even when their principal residence is discounted. But this elite of the rich and super-rich is still a small one – it accounts for less than 1 per cent of the population. In 2007, this 1 per cent had an asset base of €100 billion – more than a third of national non-residential wealth “How can we justify taking €1,300 a year from someone earning €25,000, while, on the same day as the [pension] levy was announced, Brian Lenihan told the Dáil that just one tax shelter – interest relief for landlords – cost the exchequer €1.4 billion in 2006 and 2007, the same sum as that supposed to be raised by the levy? When he also told the Dáil that he has “no plans” to change the regime for so-called tax exiles?”(10 February 2009) In 2006 the top 1% of the Irish population enjoyed around €100 billion worth of assets.. and owned 20% of the nation’s wealth, according to the Bank of Ireland Private Banking report, Wealth of Nations, 2007. Even if, like the world’s billionaires in general, this elite lost a third of its wealth in the slump, that would still leave over €60 billion to harness in relieving the public financial deficit. “…the 1,447 people (0.06% of all income earners) who earned more than €1 million each last year, collectively earned 3.4% of all income. In real figure terms, this small cohort of people earned €3.459 billion in 2008, an average of €2.39 million each (Colm Keena, Irish Times, 5th March 2009). The Corrib gas field was worth up to an estimated €8 billion in 2005. It and the associated fields in the Slyne/Erris basin off the North West coast are worth up to an estimated €50 billion. Yet no royalties are received from the find and development costs can be written off against tax. In 1992 corporation tax on oil and gas companies was reduced from 50% to 25% (Fiosrú, Centre for Public Inquiry, November 2005). So we propose the following set of measures. THE BANKS Ireland has a extravagant financial sector, which has been used to support property speculation on a vast scale. Bail-outs, recapitalisation, and nationalisation designed to help the wealthy will cost the country billions into the future and is already reducing Ireland’s international credit rating and pushing up Instead of propping up entities which are effectively bankrupt because of property speculation, the state should take the banks into public ownership and re-organise the goals of the financial system. Instead of a policy of light regulation and support for speculation, a state-run credit system must be available for public projects, job creation, affordable and sustainable mortgages for first-time house buyers and for small and medium business with genuine cash flow difficulties. A publicly controlled banking system should be administered by elected representatives of the Irish people, representatives of employees of the banking industry, and trained financial experts employed on Full control of the banking system will also give the state access to the landbanks of insolvent developers who cannot pay back their debts. The state can then embark on a proper housing programme based on real planning, rather than the type of chaotic greed-driven development we have witnessed for over a decade. Repossession of the homes should be prohibited for the duration of the economic crisis. All commercial property vacant for more than six months, and vacant third and fourth houses, should be employed for the homeless, for schools and for medical, childcare and community facilities for the duration of the economic crisis. THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY Fourteen percent of the Irish workforce is employed in construction. This is an unusually high figure due to the distortion of the Irish economy through property speculation. A reduction of this figure must occur gradually through an extensive reskilling programme. But the Irish economy needs a major stimulus package now and a state construction agency should be set up to overcome the crisis in the building industry. The agency should be formed by the consolidation of those construction companies who have been effectively bankrupted by the economic crisis and by the creation of local authority direct building units. With the creation of this state construction company, the government needs to embark on a major public works programme. Such are already evident in Japan where seven million workers were employed during their decade-long recession, and in the US where President Obama has launched a massive stimulus package to re-build US infrastructure. People before Profit believes that a public works programme should be administered directly by this state construction company. The record of the private construction companies in ripping off public funds is appalling. Using ‘cost plus’ contracts, private builders are responsible for major overruns in state projects. The National Roads authority, for example, experienced a cost overrun of €10 billion in 2004 because of these practices. Infrastructural development projects for a public works programme should include: A fully integrated rail and transport network for major cities. Carbon emissions in Ireland are currently 27 percent over the Kyoto baseline 1990 levels even though its EU permitted levels were supposed to be 13 percent. The Irish government has been forced to buy carbon credits to offset this surplus which is estimated to cost €900 million over five years. As transport is one of the major causes of carbon emissions, the development of a public transport system will reduce costs in the long run. STRATEGIC INDUSTRY Given the failure of private capital to invest and the calamitous decline of manufacturing to only 13 percent of the workforce, these new industries will be predominantly state led. These new strategic industries might include: TAXATION & THE PUBLIC PURSE The Irish tax take is the lowest in Europe with government expenditure representing 32.3 % of GDP as against 64% in Belgium or 40% in Germany. There are now clear limits to which the Irish economy can continue to borrow. The resources for a stimulus package must therefore come from an increase in the tax base. Over the past decade state policy led to an erosion of the tax base as the political elite followed an aggressive neo-liberal model. The principal beneficiaries were a wealthy elite who increased their income by a staggering €41 billion in the last years of the boom. These layers benefited from huge state subsidies. Property-based tax subsidies, for example, meant the loss of taxes worth €500 million in 2006. These subsidies to the wealthy must now be clawed back to fund the stimulus package necessary for the rest of society. Measures to do so should include: THE PUBLIC SECTOR Private industry in Ireland is increasingly based on a service economy and is concentrated on sectors which are most affected by the recession e.g. financial services. We need to expand the public sector through a policy of nationalisation to make up for the failures of private capitalism: Eircom should be taken back into public ownership to facilitate the development of a broadband infrastructure. Managerialism – the growth in employment of new layers of management – is a direct product of the replacement of a ‘trust ethos’ for professionals with business techniques which try to ‘benchmark’ performances of one unit against another. These techniques lead to the development of artificial quantitative measures known as ‘key performance indicators’, more paper work and, ironically, greater bureaucratisation. Number crunching becomes the measure of ‘performance’, not quality of service. The morale of public sector staff has been undermined through constant attacks on public sector efficiency; through the continual pressure to use outside contractors; and through a deliberate holding back of the creative energies of public sector staff. This situation needs to be changed by: ENERGY The World Bank has rated Ireland as one of the top seven countries that offer ‘very favourable’ terms for energy exploration tax rate has been cut to 25 percent; there is no requirement for bulk discount selling of gas to the Irish people; there are large write-offs for exploration costs. The licence for the Dunquinn Prospect was sold for a mere €11,000 plus an annual rental income of €27 a square kilometre. It is estimated, for example, that Tony O’Reilly will gain more than €1.4 billion from having control of this field and forging an alliance with Exxon Mobil. The rights to ownership – whatever their legal basis – conflict with the needs of the Irish people for jobs and cheaper and more efficient energy, so we need to take natural resources into public ownership. Gas and energy reserves must be immediately taken into state ownership to preserve energy security. PUBLIC SERVICE CUTS The Health and Education cuts and embargos, actual and proposed, should be dropped. THE RIGHT TO WORK The working week needs to be cut to 35 hours while preserving existingl pay rates in order to create extra jobs. THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY The Irish government claims that the long term answer to the collapse of the Celtic Tiger lies in moving up the value chain and creating a knowledge economy or a ‘smart economy’ based on innovation. These concepts are vague and are drawn from fashionable forms of development theory but the desire of the population to create a research driven scientific culture is real. However, the current state strategy is woefully inadequate and misplaced. It has failed to invest in proper educational equipment for our young, with only 7% of second level schools having a laboratory attendant to help teenagers do science experiments. It has looked for shortcuts by seeking to attract international ‘superstar’ academics to lead research teams staffed overwhelmingly by employees who are kept on precarious roll-over contracts. Much of the research is being tailor-made to the immediate profit-driven needs of multi-national corporations. To counteract this short-term strategy we propose the following: REGULATION Sean Fitzpatrick, the chair of Anglo-Irish bank was one of the key business spokespersons for the ‘principles-based’ approach to regulation. In practice, this led to a form of self-regulation of business supported by friendly regulatory agencies staffed by former corporate representatives. We propose that there be: PENSIONS We propose that there be: EQUALITY & MULTICULTURALISM In recessions, right-wing politicians tend to focus on those least able to defend their interests. The dismantling or downgrading of independent structures put in place to strengthen and protect equality, justice and human rights for all in Ireland has been a particularly nasty feature of recessionary panic-driven government. Among many vulnerable groups, migrant populations are particularly vulnerable to being scapegoated as the ‘cause’ of a failing economic system. Migrants are neither the cause of growing unemployment nor the main factor in the attempt to reduce wages. Problems start from state practices which restrict the human and legal rights of migrants, forcing them to seek low paying jobs. We propose the following: ORGANISE THE FIGHTBACK A so-called Social Solidarity Pact now can only be based on ICTU acceptance of public spending cuts and even a modified pension levy and standing down the movement of resistance that is only beginning in the unions. Pay rises corresponding to the national agreement should be paid as a minimum floor. Unions and shop stewards should be able to make claims when needed. Rather than wage freezes and cuts on working people there could be price and rent controls, a ban on mark-ups above 10% and the capping of professional fees. The unemployed need to be organised again in campaigning organisations allied to the trade unions and community groups. There should be no reduction in CE and social economy jobs or in funding to community organisations. A EUROPE-WIDE EFFORT The neo-liberalism of the Lisbon Treaty will only give oxygen to the neo-liberal economics that has created the crisis. REAL CHANGE AND A NEW LEFT ALTERNATIVE The crisis is by no means confined to Ireland despite the home focus of the media. The crisis is the result of an economic system which is based on a great contradiction. There is huge dependence of people on each other across the world, through the global system of production, for the goods needed to maintain our livelihoods. Yet control lies in the hands of privileged groups who compete, speculate, gamble with funny money and exploit the rest of us. There is only one answer to that: to struggle to take control of the means of creating wealth into the hands of all the people, so that cooperation to produce things we need replaces competition for profit. Only then can consumption and investment be kept in line with each other so as to stop crises of overproduction. Only then will we end the absurdity of poverty in the midst of plenty, of people having to consume less because too much is produced. Only then can we put democratic planning in the place of frenzied gambling with people’s houses, jobs and debts. April Budget: An attack on PAYE workers to support banks The government projection is to raise an extra €1.8 billion in taxes this year but 81 percent of this will come from PAYE workers. Only a mere €26 million is raised through increases in Capital Gains or Capital Acquisition Tax. There are no cutbacks on special tax breaks for the pensions of company directors. There is no change is the status of tax exiles who, despite their claims to ‘patriotism’, claim to reside outside Ireland for part of the year to avoid paying taxes here. The 440 ‘high worth’ tax fugitives who are worth an estimated €30 million each will not contribute a penny. The wealthiest of them all – Denis O Brien, who is reputedly worth €2.2 billion – will sleep easily in his bed. The purpose of this budget is to hit income – not capital. The government claimed this was for ‘technical reasons’. But there were no ‘technical reasons’ when they rushed in legislation to impose a pension levy on public sector workers – even though it led to a change in payroll systems in the middle of the year. It was a political choice to hit PAYE workers – not a ‘technical necessity’. The main groups who will suffer are lower and middle PAYE workers. A single worker on a gross wage of €30,000 a year will lose €900 a year or €17.30 a week. A single worker on €40,000, who is just over the average industrial wage, will lose €1,200 or €23 a week. Last October, this same worker lost €400 in another levy and so their total loss in levies is now €1,600. If they had the misfortune to be a worker in the public sector they were hit by an additional pension levy of €2,103 or €40 a week. These figures refer only to the reduction in the gross wages and do not take into account the normal taxes that workers pay. Yet despite these shocking attacks, there was no levy on wealth. Companies who benefit from one of the lowest corporation profit tax rates in Europe were not even asked for a 2 percent levy on profit. Only PAYE income was seriously hit. AN ATTACK ON THE POOR Before the budget was announced, Fianna Fail and the Greens sent out signals that they would not touch social welfare payments. But in fact, they reduced these payments by 2% through the simple device of abolishing the Christmas bonus. Pensioners, the unemployed, and those of disability will suffer from this miserable attack. Many will be forced to go to money lenders to pay for the presents and festivities over Christmas. The government also attacked the young by halving their benefits. The aim is to force them to emigrate or work for slave wages. Rent supplement is also being cut, forcing the poor to pay more in top up rents to private landlords. In a deliberate attempt to stir up racism, Mary Hanafin suggested that all ‘non-nationals’ will have to use a passport to collect social welfare. She claimed that her department had carried out research which indicated higher levels of fraud. But this research was based with interviews with ten times more migrants than the Irish unemployed- even though they only represent one fifth of the total. Despite this deliberate distortion, there was an equal level of dole ‘fraud’ for both categories. AN ATTACK ON FAMILIES AND CHILDREN However, where more than one third of Irish parents rely on relatives for child care and where crèche costs are among the most expensive in Europe, the Early Childcare Supplement relieved huge financial stress. The Early Childcare Supplement was paid for each child up to the age of five. This has been replaced by a free pre-school scheme for children over 3 years and three months and under 4 years and six months. Children will be only entitled to free preschool provision of two hours and 15 minutes a day, five days a week over a 50 week period. Many of the older groupings would be entering school anyway. Working parents will have to pay for any childcare care beyond this. Moreover, no extra Montessori or pre-school teachers will be hired to look after these children. So this scheme relies entirely on private childcare facilities. As these are not subject to state control, they can set their prices at ‘market rates’ If places are taken up by the over-3s, this will lead to an increase in costs for children below the age of three and so hurt parents even more. In the absence of a comprehensive system of state run childcare, this is a retrograde measure which adds further misery to parents. On top of this many parents will see their mortgage relief wiped out entirely after seven years. This is in sharp contrast to landlords and investors who will only be able to claim 75% of the rental income for tax purposes – but who can continue to claim beyond seven years. THE BANKS ARE THE BIG WINNERS Irish workers have already subsidised the banks through a special insurance guarantee scheme; a €7 billion injection into AIB and Bank of Ireland; a nationalisation to save the rich in Anglo Irish Bank. But this budget brings the biggest bonanza of all. The total bad debts of banks are now revealed to be €90 billion. These will be taken over by the state purchasing them at prices that are above what the banks would have gained by selling them to other speculators. The state will then hold bad debts, many of which will never be repaid. After setting up its ‘bad bank’, the state will hold a fifth of all Irish bank debts – but the fifth which has the highest mixture of toxic loans or loans that are least likely to be repaid. Conservative estimates put the cost of subsidising the banks at €20 billion. This is the total the government has pledged to raise in tax hikes and cuts over the next five years. Even if the state took the bad debts over at a discount price of 40%, this will still double the national debt to €108 billion. The size of this debt and the worry about a default will increase the ‘at risk’ cost of borrowing. So in the immediate future, the bail out schemes for the banks will push up the cost of Irish state borrowing to about €1 billion extra a year. On top of that the government has agreed to guarantee bank bonds – their borrowings from international speculators – for five years. It is not known how much this additional insurance scheme will cost PAYE taxpayers. In other words, most of the money raised in levies on PAYE workers is helping to fund the bank bail outs. WHAT WAS REALLY NEEDED This would have given the state control over the huge land banks for which speculators took out loans. Direct labour units would cut out the extra costs accrued by expensive Public Private Partnership Schemes or the cost overruns practised by private construction companies. But this government has gone in the opposite direction. The withdrawal of €5 billion from an economy through a series of budgets since October can only deepen a recession. It is deliberately following Maggie Thatcher’s strategy of allowing unemployment to rise – in order to push wages down. CLICK ON THE LINK BELOW IF YOU ARE INTERESTED IN THE PEOPLE BEFORE PROFIT ALLIANCE’S ALTERNATIVE ECONOMIC PROPOSAL |
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People Before ProfitA Voice for People, Community & Environment |
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